When countries become imperialistic, one factor that often is involved is the desire to spread their way of life. Imperialistic countries believe the way they do things is superior to the way other countries or the people in other countries do things. Thus, the imperialistic country feels it is its duty to
The very name of America came comparatively late into the consciousness of the British colonies, and the first awareness of a separate destiny is a matter of continuing speculation. Boyd Shafer found an incipient national loyalty appearing as far back asduring King George's War. Richard Merritt, a Yale political scientist, employed quantitative techniques to determine that was the year when key colonial newspapers cited "America" more frequently than "British colonies" in their columns.
Although by the middle of the eighteenth century it was obvious that Americans were becoming something more than transplanted Englishmen, many future revolutionaries were quick to proclaim their British affiliations as the mother country triumphed over France in the French and Indian War.
There was genuine pride in membership in a great British empire. As late asthe poet Philip Freneau was convinced that Britain could and should "rule our hearts again," if only the rights of the American part of the empire were respected.
After the Revolution had shattered that empire, no automatic transfer of loyalty from London to the Confederation, with its seat in Philadelphia, took place. The differences between North and South, tidewater and piedmont, were potentially as deep as differences between Americans and Englishmen.
Culture as well as geography distinguished the Bostonian from the Virginian, and the tidewater Virginian from the Scottish frontiersman of the Blue Ridge. Some of the most fundamental characteristics of the American way of life—freedom from arbitrary government and freedom of speech and religion—were Virginian or Pennsylvanian as well as American.
The America of could have remained as much an abstraction as Europe was then and now. The experience of Latin American revolutions a generation later could have been that of the former British colonies.
The vulnerability of a young republic in a world of hostile monarchies provided a major incentive for the cultivation of an American identity. The strength of nationalism was an inspiration to American statesmen aware of the temptations that quarreling American states offered to Europeans awaiting the demise of the American experiment.
An anxious neighbor like Spain to the west and south, and an angry neighbor like Britain to the north, looked forward to exploiting the divisions among the former colonies. Even the ally France observed American weakness with complacence, knowing that it would bind Americans to their French patron.
The anticipated failure of the republican regime made success all the more important to the Founders, and this success depended on a strong pride in their achievements.
Richard Morris pointed out that an ideology of nationalism could be built on what Europeans regarded as intolerable infirmities: As Thomas Paine phrased it in his Crisis, the United States would be in a position "to make a world happy, to teach mankind the art of being so—to exhibit on the theatre of the universe a character hitherto unknown, and to have, as it were, a new creation intrusted to our hands.
Poets, playwrights, and even lexicographers were as sensitive to the importance of building institutions to sustain American achievements as were the diplomats and statesmen.
Noah Webster's labors on a dictionary were intended to establish an American language distinct from the English of the mother country. At one and the same time his dictionary would proclaim the differences between the two nations and provide a standard that could be used to deepen those differences in the future.
His work was a success, but not quite on the terms he had set. The American language was only partially freed from its inferiority complexes. Other intellectuals of this period harked back to classical antiquity to assert the American distinctiveness.Nationalism is based on aggressiveness in its concept.
On the other hand imperialism is constructive in its concept. Imperialism is a kind of rule that aims at bringing equality of values, beliefs, and expertise among empires and kingdoms through [ ].
"The Colonial Conan Doyle not only helps us to rethink one writer's relation to empire, but it should also encourage us to reconsider with more nuance literature's relation to empire.
Start studying Nationalism and Imperialism. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools. Nationalism and It's Relation to Imperialism The last quarter of the nineteenth century was the classical age of European imperialism (Marshall,49).
Western European countries such as Britain, France, Belgium and Italy were all trying to impose their imperialistic thoughts on other countries.
Nationalism is a desire to be politically independent, usually because the nation in question is being aggressively controlled by another country. Imperialism is when a country decides to start a.
Nationalism and Imperialism. The Concept of Nationalism and Its Relationship with Imperialism A comprehensive review of theories of nationalism .